Author: John D. (Page 99 of 202)

Yasukuni divisions

The divisive nature of Yasukuni Jinja is highlighted each year on the anniversary of Japan’s defeat in WW2, when the shrine acts as a symbolic rallying point for extremists.  An article in The Japan Times below illustrates to what extent political issues dominate what apologists like to pretend is a purely religious matter.  The shrine has been made into a rallying point for reactionaries who wish to reinstigate State Shinto, and there are established alternatives for paying respects to the war dead such as Chidorigafuchi.  (For more about Chidorigafuchi, click here.  For a visit by US politicians Kerry and Hagel, see here.  For the emperor’s take on Yasukuni, see here.)

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Anniversary of WWII surrender met with varied reaction
BY AYAKO MIE AND KAZUAKI NAGATA  AUG 15, 2014  Japan Times

As Japan marked the 69th anniversary of its surrender in World War II on Friday, people on the streets of Tokyo showed mixed reactions. Right-leaning visitors to Yasukuni Shrine found a new cause in their movement, while the day evoked memories of wartime suffering among older residents.  For many young people, however, the anniversary meant little more than a reminder of a day from the distant past.

Right-leaning activists around Yasukuni Shrine demanded the government embrace more nationalistic policies, such as revising the pacifist Constitution. They also called for recanting the so-called Kono Statement from 1993, which admitted the Japanese army and other authorities were at times involved in forcibly recruiting women, mostly from the Korean Peninsula, to provide sex to Japanese soldiers before and during World War II.

“We see more people are signing a petition this year compared to last year,” said Takao Ishihara, president of the Japan Society for History Textbook Reform, which was organizing a campaign to present a more nationalistic view of the past in school texts. “This is a war for the correct understanding of history.”

The group said that their movement is gaining momentum, especially after the Asahi Shimbun, which is generally seen as a liberal daily and often becomes the target of conservatives, earlier this month admitted there were errors in its past “comfort women” stories.

Asahi retracted all the stories it had published, stretching back decades, that quoted a Japanese man who claimed he kidnapped about 200 Korean women and forced them to work at wartime Japanese military brothels.

The Abe administration in June also said the accounts of 16 former South Korean comfort women, on which the Kono Statement was based, were not backed up by evidence. The government also said Japanese and South Korean officials consulted one another on the wording of the statement before it was issued by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono.

Meanwhile, hundreds of people marched to Yasukuni Shrine, waving Japanese flags and claiming the war was defensive in nature and that Japan never invaded any Asian countries. The march was organized by a group headed by Toshio Tamogami, a former Air Self-Defense Force general.

“It was not Article 9 of the Constitution that maintained Japan’s postwar peace. Thanks to the mighty Japanese soldiers who fought the war, China and Russia were too afraid to attack Japan,” said one participant in the march who only identified himself as Murata. “We should thank the soldiers.”

Tensions escalated in the afternoon when a group denouncing the emperor system marched near Yasukuni and had a close encounter with the Zaitokukai rightist group. Members of Zaitokukai yelled, “Go back home, you Koreans,” throwing PET bottles into the crowd of left-leaning activists who were part of Hantenren, the group opposed to the emperor system.

Obon, Daimonji, the dead

It’s coming up to that special summer time of Obon – Japan’s day of the dead.  Or rather days.

Bon odori, or the dance of the dead. Circle dances are held in which it's thought that the spirits of the deceased partake in order to celebrate the unity between the living and the dead. (courtesy Wikicommons)

Though the dates of the festival can vary from region to region, the spirits of family deceased are thought to come back to visit on Aug 14 when reception fires are lit, and to depart on Aug 16 when Departure Fires (Okuribi) are lit.

Green Shinto has carried pieces on the festival before.  For coverage of its syncretic nature and the significance of ancestor worship in Japanese culture, see here.

For a piece on Kyoto’s Daimonji Festival, when the spirits of the dead are given a big send-off by symbolic fires lit on the hills surrounding the city, see here.  It contains a long article from the Kyoto Shinbun entitled ‘Bonfires for commoners’ about the origins of the festival.

For ancestor worship in the pagan tradition, with a focus on Stonehenge, see here.

The Daimonji Festival takes its name from the big 'dai' character written on the hillside above Ginkaku-ji, in reference to a Buddhist teaching.

 

Beauty shrine (Yasaka Jinja)

Women taking beauty water at the Utsukushi-gozen Shrine (all photos courtesy Hugo Kempeneer)

The following piece comes from our friend, Hugo Kempeneer, the man behind the seductive photos of Kyoto-Nara Dream Trips which have been winning increasing attention recently.  See his blog at http://www.kyotodreamtrips.com/

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On the grounds of the Yasaka shrine in Kyoto are many sub-shrines, some more colourful than others. This is the Utsukushi-gozen Shrine and you can find it on the east side of the Hondo, or main hall. During the Gion Matsuri, this shrine and all other buildings are colourfully decorated for a whole month. There is much activity in the shrine grounds as people come from all over to partake in the Gion matsuri festivities.

The Utsukushi-gozen Shrine is dedicated to three beautiful goddesses of Japanese history. They are Ichikishima-hime-no-kami, Tagiri-hime-no-kami and Tagitsu-hime-no-kami [known as the 3 female Munakata kami]. If you visit the Utsukushi-gozen Shrine you’ll notice that many, young and old, woman come to pray here and use the water from this spring. Legend has it that, “If you wash your hands and face with the “Biyōsui”, your skin and heart will be beautified. Enjoy the beauty water and this mystical shrine.

The Utsukushi-gozen Shrine (美御前社), a sub-shrine of Yasaka shrine (八坂神社) in Kyoto.

The Utsukushi-gozen Shrine, a sub-shrine of Yasaka shrine

Yasaka Shrine History:

Susanoo-no-Mikoto, Kushinadahime-Mikoto and Yahashirano-mikogami are enshrined here. The shrine is sometimes referred to as “Gion San” or “Yasaka san” by the local people. According to tradition, Yasaka Shrines dates back to 656, when Susanoono-mikoto was enshrined here. Thus the shrine’s foundation was long before Kyoto became the capital.

The Gion Matsuri is held every July and its origin dates back to the Goryo-e festival held for the first time in 869. That year many plagues prevailed in Japan and the people of Kyoto prayed for the appeasement of the evil spirits by constructing 66 halberds.  This number equalled the number of provinces that existed at that time in Japan.  From the Yasaka shrine those floats and mikoshi (portable shrines) went to Shinsen-En (South of Nijo Castle). Ever since the year 970, the Gion Matsuri has been held annually.

Ema at the Utsukushi-gozen Shrine (美御前社), a sub-shrine of Yasaka shrine (八坂神社) in Kyoto.

Ema at the Utsukushi-gozen Shrine, a sub-shrine of Yasaka shrine in Kyoto.

Explanation of Kami enshrined here:

From the “Encyclopaedia of Shinto”: “The Yasaka shrine is dedicated to Susanoo as its chief kami, with his consort Kushinadahime on the East, and eight offspring deities (Yahashira no mikogami) on the west.

The honourable offspring include: Yashimajinumi no kami, Itakeru no kami, Ōyatsuhime no kami, Tsumatsuhime no kami, Ōtoshi no kami, Ukanomitama no kami, Ōyatsuhiko no kami, and Suseribime no mikoto.” See All Pics Here!


The “Beauty water” (美容水) fountain at the Utsukushi-gozen Shrine (美御前社), a sub-shrine of Yasaka shrine (八坂神社) in Kyoto.

The “Beauty water” at the Utsukushi-gozen Shrine

 

A prayer to be more beautiful in body and mind (photo John Dougill)

 

A woman rings the bell at the subshrine before paying respects to the goddesses of beauty (photo John Dougill

Australian musician

The Australian composer, Peter Sculthorpe (1929-2014), who has just passed away (photo courtesy ABC)

Sad news comes from musician Graham Ranft about the death of the famed Australian composer, Peter Sculthorpe at the age of 85.

Graham writes that ‘His music is about the earth, the dreamtime and the Australian landscape.’  Clearly the following passage was underwritten by similar sentiments, and as someone with Viking roots myself, I find myself very much in sympathy with his statement…  (taken from this page):

“I stayed in a Zen Buddhist monastery and soon discovered it wasn’t for me. I had to divest myself of possessions, and I had previously bought a wonderful ancient gilded Japanese Buddha, which I had to put in a locker in the Kyoto railway station. Often I’d sneak out to the railway station just to have a look at it.

While in Japan I discovered Shintoism, a wonderful religion that is concerned with the sacred in all things. I was easily able to relate it to my own pantheistic beliefs. There was a famous garden at the Buddhist temple I stayed at in Kyoto, and if you looked carefully, all the plants and trees were pulled into shape with little wires.

At the Shinto shrine everything grew as nature intended”…

Thanks for sourcing the above quote to Graham Ranft, who adds, ‘He was a wonderful speaker and I heard him speak live at least twice..witty and civilised with a lovely speaking voice.’

Soul Tree

The Soul Tree, Jomon Period, excavated from the Tama Hills, Kanagawa, reconstruction of original ritual context (courtesy heritage of japan)

 

A fascinating post on the Japanese Mythology website, which can be found here, reaches back into Jomon times to posit the existence of a ‘soul tree’ on which magatama beads were hung.  How far modern Shinto can be linked with Jomon practices is a controversial area, but this posting gives one food for thought.  (The following is extracted from a longer article.)

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Comparing Soul Trees and Trees of Life
by heritageofjapan

The above photo shows an excavated site belonging to the Jomon Period in Japan. The comma-shaped gemstones hung on the tree are called ‘maga-tama‘ in Japanese, ‘maga’ meaning ‘curved’ and ‘tama’ meaning jewel, which is also synonymous with ‘soul’.  (Of course, we cannot be sure that is what they were called during Prehistoric Jomon times)  However, maga-tama gems have been fairly common finds in Jomon Period, often seemingly in an altar setting beside a phallic item in the pit dwelling, although large numbers are excavated from Yayoi and Kofun Period tombs.

However, the specific context of the funerary and ritual setting is significant and lends a number of possible interpretations of the abstract symbolism represented by the ritual setting.  Firstly, the maga-tama jewels hung on a tree in a funerary setting, are seemingly suggestive that each tama is symbolic of a soul of a departed ancestor on the Soul Tree … the idea of a Soul Tree is known in specific parts of the world.

Secondly, the excavated site is faced to a mountain with special astronomical sightings such as the appearance of the sun upon the mountain peak, suggesting yet another set of fairly complex ideas at work (in Wakhan-Afghanistan as well as in Iran, the spring New Year would not begin till the sun mounted the peak over the mountain, the people pay their respects to their ancestors the night before, lighting bonfires). The ceramic pottery suggest a scenario where food offerings were made to ancestors, (a scenario which looks a lot like the ancient versions of the Persian-Eurasia-wide New Year or spring festival).

Thus, this setting we infer to be highly suggestive of symbolism of a Tree of Souls, and of ancestor veneration beliefs and practices at work. A Soul Tree is an ancestral tree to which the deceased or departed have ascended to find their rest.

There also appears to be a continuity in the material culture of magatama from the Jomon through the Kofun ages.    But is there also a continuity of ideas?  The entry in the Encyclopedia of Shinto defines “tama” thus:

“A general term for spirit or soul in ancient times. In addition to human spirit, it also refers to spirit or spiritual force in nature. A human soul is considered a spiritual entity that comes from outside and dwells in the body, endowing the individual with energy and personality. The word tamashii (spirit, soul) presumably had an original meaning of the “function of tama.” Mitama (御魂、御霊) is an honorific term of tama. When it is written with the characters 神霊 (mitama), it refers to a spirit of a kami. Later on, the spelling of 御霊 came to be used exclusively for goryō, a spirit that brings hazards to a human society.”

The tama representing the soul or spirit of a person is a belief recognizable from the design motif found in crowns of the Kofun Period (possibly earlier) through to today’s Japanese.  While the magatama beads attached to golden crowns are shared with the early Koreanic kingdoms, particularly, that of Silla, the magatama found during the earlier Jomon Period are not similarly found on the Korean peninsula, thus suggesting a different provenance and associated cultures.

Tree worship and tree motifs are frequently said to be a universal phenomenon, however, we would like to show that within the broad notion of the Sacred or Magical Tree, there are in fact distinctive categories and different concepts, and important distinctions and different characteristics will help identify the cultural sphere the object and mytheme belongs to, and the stage of evolution and complexity of the belief, practice or myth, will lend a perspective on the historical events and times associated with the myth and mytheme.

For example, the Jomon Soul Tree idea is not only distinctive, the concept of a Soul Tree is significant in identifying the material culture it is associated with (i.e. stone and wood) and the distinct geographical locations where the Soul Tree beliefs exist. It can be distinguished from the later material culture (bronze and gold leaf technology) which has the Tree of Life, central to the World Tree and Tripartite World cosmogony…and consequently with the cultural spheres from which metallurgy arrived.

The Jomon Soul Tree is also clearly a concept distinguishable from other ideas such as the Tree of Fortune; Fertility Tree, Dying Tree or Vegetative Deity, Tree of Knowledge, Cosmic Tree or Solar Tree, etc., each of which are distinctive enough and we may identify the associated cultural spheres of each of these. It may also prove useful and worthwhile to compare the Soul Trees found in other cultures, which may throw light on the general origins of and migrational paths taken by the Jomon people, before settling in Japan.

Other cultures with concepts of Soul Trees or cultural beliefs of a people or tribe descended from a tree include:
* Indo-China: Vietnam appears to also have a complex Soul Tree, that however, also includes Genesis-like two-tree motif which explains how mankind lost their immortality after the burial of man at the foot of wrong tree.

*  Iranian: The first human couple, Maschia and Maschiana, issued from the ground in the form of a rhubarb plant (the Rheum ribes), which was at first single, but in process of time became divided into two. Ormuzd imparted to each a human soul, and they became parents of mankind.”
*  India: Mahabharata: An enormous Indian fig-tree from whose branches hung little devotees in human form. The Malabar speak of a tree whose fruit were pigmy men and women. The Khatties of Central India are said to be descended from Khat “begotten of wood” who at the prayer of Karna sprang from the staff fashioned from a branch of a tree.

*  In the European tradition of Saxony,  Thuringians too speak of children growing on a tree.
“According to the Eddas, when Heaven had been made: Odin and his brothers walking by the sea shore came upon two trees. These they changed into human beings, male and female. The first brother gave them soul and life; the second endowed them with wit and will to move; the third added face, speech, sight and hearing. They clothed them also and chose their names and they sent them forth to be parents of the human race.”
According to Hesychius of the Greeks: “The  human race was the first fruit of the ash, and Hesiod relates that it was from the trunks of ash-trees that Zeus created the third or fourth bronze race of men.”

Interestingly, the Scandinavians are now thought to have received influences from their Central Asian interactions with Scythian-Sarmatians, and with the Altai tribes: (see David K. Faux “The Genetic Link of the Viking – Era Norse to Central Asia: An Assessment of the Y Chromosome DNA”, Archaeological, Historical and Linguistic Evidence, 2004 – 2007)

* In Damascus, South Arabia, they have a creation myth where their progenitor was a tree out of which everything descended and came – Bushmen, zebras, oxen ….
* The Semitic tradition. While the Biblical Genesis Tree of Life or more correctly, the Tree of Knowledge is best known, the Kabbalah writings speak at length of a Soul Tree of the Hebrews  (see Origins of the Kabbalah by Gershom Gerhard Scholem)

God has a tree of flowering souls in Paradise. The angel who sits beneath it is the Guardian of Paradise, and the tree is surrounded by the four winds of the world. From this tree blossom forth all souls, as it is said, “I am like a cypress tree in bloom; your fruit issues forth from Me.”(Hos.14:9). And from the roots of this tree sprout the souls of all the righteous ones whose names are inscribed there. When the souls grow ripe, they descend into the Treasury of Souls, where they are stored until they are called upon to be born. From this we learn that all souls are the fruit of the Holy One, blessed be He.”  This Tree of Souls produces all the souls that have ever existed, or will ever exist. And when the last soul descends, the world as we know it will come to an end.

Rabbinic and kabbalistic texts speculate that the origin of souls is somewhere in heaven. This myth provides the heavenly origin of souls, and in itself fuses many traditions. First, it develops themes based on the biblical account of the Garden of Eden. It also builds on the tradition that just as there is an earthly Garden of Eden, so is there a heavenly one ….

As for the Tree of Life in Paradise, its blossoms are souls. It produces new souls, which ripen, and then fall from the tree into the Gulf, the Treasury of Souls in Paradise. There the soul is stored until the angel Gabriel reaches into the treasury and takes out the first soul that comes into his hand.

Not only is there the notion of a Tree of Souls in Judaism, and the notion that souls take shelter in trees, but there is also the belief that trees have souls.

The shamanic tree: Kazakh –

“Baiterek is the world tree. Baiterek (literally – original poplar, mother poplar), the World Tree, connects all three levels: upper-heaven with nine or seven layers, middle and lower ones, having seven or nine layers of the universe. Its individual parts represent the parts of separate worlds: roots represent the underworld, crown is the middle world, branches and leaves are the upper world. Etymology of ‘Terek’ (variants: darak, darau, dara, tarak) comes apparently from *Tir – life.

Baiterek is the original life. Most often, the one story found in many fairy tales is as follows: The hero finds himself in the underworld, and after a long journey reaches a large tree where he helps the chicks of giant bird kill a snake or dragon. In gratitude, the bird delivers the hero to the earth’s surface. This is the world tree, and bird and snake are representatives of opposing worlds – the upper and lower worlds. Their perpetual opposition involves a middle world representative – a man, a hero of the tale.

Baiterek – the world tree – is the center of the universe. It is the door, the gate between the worlds, and usually sacred actions occur under such tree. Baiterek is also at the center of the horizontal model of the world. The horizontal structure of the world: on the right of the tree is the moon, on the left – the sun and the star.

The Kazakh epic Kobylandy mentions the world tree as a tree with golden leaves (in the epic it has the golden and silver leaves).  In dastan of Kashagan, it is referred as a tree of all fruits. The Turkic people had widespread belief that people take the babies under the trees, or that the ancestors’ souls live in the branches and leaves. The branches of the shaman tree, according to the ideas of Turkic-Mongol people, host the souls, preparing for a new birth.

Kazakh shamans believe that the world tree appears as a material thing, as well as the pole put into the ground near the tomb of holy person. The symbolism is clear in this case: the pole symbolizes the world tree, by which the soul of the dead shall rise into the sky, and by which it can go down. For the same reason the Kazakhs are put on a tunduk spear after they die.

James George Frazer in his book The Golden Bough wrote of the ubiquity of the belief of soul trees among many ancient tribes all over the world, that one’s soul could be hidden in an object, totem animal, plant or tree, outside of one’s own body.  He mentions the tamaniu concept of the Melanesians:

“Among the Melanesians of Mota, one of the New Hebrides islands, the conception of an external soul is carried out in the practice of daily life. In the Mota language the word tamaniu signifies “something animate or inanimate which a man has come to believe to have an existence intimately connected with his own… . It was not every one in Mota who had his tamaniu; only some men fancied that they had this relation to a lizard, a snake, or it might be a stone; sometimes the thing was sought for and found by drinking the infusion of certain leaves and heaping together the dregs; then whatever living thing was first seen in or upon the heap was the tamaniu. It was watched but not fed or worshipped; the natives believed that it came at call, and that the life of the man was bound up with the life of his tamaniu, if a living thing, or with its safety; should it die, or if not living get broken or be lost, the man would die. Hence in case of sickness they would send to see if the tamaniu was safe and well.”

The “tamaniu” is not only phonetically similar sounding but in meaning possibly finds a cognate in mi-tama, magatama, tamashi concepts of the Japanese, so that it may be possible to find a genetic connection or an interaction sphere of cultural borrowing of ideas as well.

The Melanesians who are upstream (or older) in the ancestral or phylogenetic tree of the haplogroup C (Y-DNA)-bearing migrants who went northwards to Japan and to East Asia (Mongolians, Siberians, Koreans) after passing through the Indian subcontinent and Melanesian Islands. There is a Melanesian belief in the dual composition of the tama soul called konpaku (which looks a lot like the Taoist dual “maga-tama” embryo).

According to one interpretation of the Chinkon sai rite, kon is a Sinic term that refers to the soul. In ancient China kon was related to yang (of yin-yang dualism) and to the dimension of mental activity, while haku was related to yin and the somatic, physiological dimension. Thus, the soul had a two-layered structure. Accordingly, when a person died it was believed that these two components returned respectively to the heavens and the earth.

Concerning their relationship to the Japanese conception of soul (tama), the kon (tamashii) of konpaku was indicated as corresponding to it. This was according to an interpretation of chinkon (pacifying spirits) found in the regulations dealing with personnel in the article for Shintō administration of the ritsuryō legal code, which was revised in the first half of the eighth century.

 

Australian pacification

A report from Green Shinto reader Graham Ranft in Australia tells of a Shinto priest on the evening news waving sakaki (?) branches in purification at a 70th anniversary ceremony for those who died in the Cowra Great Escape of 1944.  It was the biggest prisoner of war break-out in modern times, with some 1000 Japanese captives involved. The remarkable wartime event featured in the novel by Thomas Keneally last year entitled Shame and the Captives.

The description below comes from a website run by anzacday. (Pictures courtesy the Australian War Memorial)  The amount of effort put into reconciliation, and the resulting friendship between former enemies, is testimony to how peace can prevail where there are good intentions on both sides.  Compromise rather than confrontation is a lesson governments in East Asia could well take on board, including at this sensitive time of year Japan’s present prime minister.

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The Cowra Breakout  by David Hobson

Cowra is a town which hides an eventful wartime past in the peaceful tranquillity of its famous Japanese Gardens. The site of the infamous ‘Cowra Breakout’, the town has gradually healed the gaping wounds of its World War 2 role. Situated three hundred and thirty kilometres south-west of Sydney, the Cowra of the 1940s was a typical middle-sized Australian town, with a population of around three thousand people. At that time, Cowra was the site of a major prisoner of war camp which held mostly Japanese and Italian prisoners. The majority of the Italians had been captured in the Middle East, while the Japanese had been fighting in and around the islands immediately north of Australia.

The prisoner of war camp was huge, covering an area of over thirty hectares. It was almost circular in shape and divided into four separate compounds by two, seven-hundred-metre long thoroughfares.

Looking west showing compounds of the Cowra prisoner of war camp with the group headquarter buildings in the foreground. (copyright AWM 064284)

Approximately half the prisoners in the camp were Italians, who occupied A and C compounds, while D compound housed Japanese officers, Korean and Formosan prisoners. B compound contained Japanese non-commissioned officers and junior ranks. It was from within the confines of this compound that the breakout erupted.

The Italians had fought tenaciously during the war, but finally had been forced to surrender. Like the soldiers of most armies they saw no lasting disgrace in their surrender, but accepted it as a necessary part of the fortunes of war. They were aware of their rights under the Geneva Convention, and were content to see out the war as prisoners on foreign soil.

The Japanese, however, found the act of surrendering a deeply humiliating experience. Many adopted false names when they were captured so that their brothers-in-arms and families would presume them dead. The Australian guards were aware of the deep-seated unhappiness of the Japanese in B compound, but held no fears of an outbreak. The camp adhered very closely to the Geneva Convention and the guards treated their prisoners well. Furthermore, they believed that it was clear to the inmates themselves that any attempt at escape would be suicidal, and was therefore unlikely. The prisoners had no real weapons and no means to obtain arms.

Escape Plans

Although some loose signs of an escape existed, the Japanese made no firm plans for a mass breakout until early August. In fact, the plans were made only after camp officials began to separate the B compound inmates by relocating the junior ranks to a camp at Hay in western New South Wales.

On the 4th of August, shortly after being informed of the prisoner transfer, the Japanese commander of B compound, Sergeant Major Kanazawa, called a meeting of the twenty hut leaders. They were told to explain the transfer situation to their men and, by ballot, gauge the level of support for a mass outbreak.  In an atmosphere of harried debate and strong argument, a decision was reached, but it was far from unanimous and, at times, misrepresented by the hut leaders. The decision was final, however: the compound would launch a mass escape.

Under the terms of the escape plan, the prisoners of war agreed that injured and incapacitated prisoners could restore their honour by committing suicide prior to the escape and that no civilian would be harmed. The escape would commence with a bugle blast at 2.00 am the following morning, when the huts would be set alight.

Armed with their rudimentary weapons of filed-down cutlery and baseball bats, and protected against the barbed wire by baseball mitts and blankets, the prisoners planned to ‘hit’ the wire in four groups. Two groups would scale the outer three fences and negotiate the ten metres of entangled and concertina barbed wire which lay there. The other two groups would break into Broadway. One of these would attempt to link up with the Japanese officers in D compound, while the other would attack the outer gates and the Australian garrison, which lay beyond.

The Escape

Shaken from their sleep by a conflagration of burning huts and the high pitched shrieks of almost a thousand Japanese prisoners of war, the Australian garrison rushed into action. Darkness soon enveloped the scene as a stray bullet severed the main electricity line. Within minutes, Privates Benjamin Hardy and Ralph Jones had manned the No. 2 Vickers machine-gun and were firing into the first wave of escapees, but they were soon overwhelmed by the sheer weight of numbers and killed. In an act of incredible presence of mind, Private Jones removed and concealed the lock – the most crucial component of the gun. This action rendered the gun useless, thereby preventing the Japanese from taking command of the camp.

Knives recovered in and around B camp. (The Japanese section), of Cowra prisoner of war compound after the mass escape attempt in the early morning hours of the 5 August 1944. (AWM 073486)

Headlines reporting the breakout of Japanese prisoners of war at Cowra.  (AWM 044570)

The other three waves of escapees broke through the fences. The two groups in Broadway came immediately under Australian fire from both ends and were pinned down for several hours. The attempt to link up with the officers in D Compound failed. By contrast, almost all of the Japanese who crossed the perimeter wire outside B Compound escaped to freedom. Three hundred and thirty were on the loose. It took nine days to fully recover them, with some travelling as far as Eugowra, a distance of over fifty kilometres.


The morning after revealed dead bodies lying everywhere along the blanket-draped wire. (AWM 044172)

The dead body of a Japanese POW who committed suicide by cutting his throat with a knife during the mass escape from the camp. (AWM P02567.006)

The Roundup

The Royal Australian Air Force, police, Australian Military Force trainees and members of the Australian Women’s Battalion stationed at Cowra all assisted with the roundup operations. Many escapees chose to take their own lives rather than be recaptured. Two threw themselves under an oncoming train, while many hanged themselves. On their recapture, some pleaded to be shot. Others surrendered peacefully. At least two prisoners were shot by local civilians and several by military personnel.

Lieutenant Harry Doncaster became the only Australian killed in the roundup, when he was attacked and murdered by Japanese eleven kilometres north of Cowra. In total, two hundred and thirty one Japanese soldiers and officers were killed. One Japanese officer and one hundred and seven other Japanese soldiers were wounded. Four Australians had died, including Private Shepherd, who was slain during the breakout in an area near the top end of Broadway. Four others were injured. The leaders of the breakout had ordered that no civilians be harmed, and they were true to their word.

Burial of Australian soldiers killed during breakout of Japanese prisoners at Camp 12B, Cowra POW and Internment Group Compound.  (AWM 044119)

Postwar Reconciliation

Following World War 2, the camp was dismantled and the last prisoners of war expatriated to their respective homelands. While the events of the Cowra Breakout and the experiences of Australian prisoners of war have left uneasy feelings for many, the sixty years since the breakout have seen Cowra develop into a ‘Centre of World Friendship’. The town’s residents boast a very positive relationship with their old enemies, the Japanese. Those Japanese and Australians who died on Australian territory lie peacefully in the Cowra War Cemetery, which was opened in 1963, under the care of the local authorities. In 1979, Cowra’s beautiful and scenic Japanese Gardens were established, signalling the strengthening relationship between Japan and Cowra. Recently, Cowra was honoured with the gift of a bronze Peace Bell, one of only seven worldwide and the only one in Australia. This rare gift was made as a tribute to the spirit of friendship and peace which has developed between the Japanese and the Cowra community.

Visitors to Cowra today can view the relic foundations of the prisoner of war campsite and traverse the avenue of cherry blossom trees, which links the Cowra War Cemetery and Japanese Gardens to the site. It is a tribute to the depth of cross-cultural goodwill that the flower of international friendship has bloomed from such tragic origins.

 

Cowra war memorial (photo Wikicommons via Graham Ranft)

 

Gion ends (Yasaka Jinja)

The west entrance gate (Nishi Romon) is always a popular photo spot. It faces onto the Gion geisha area, and in former times the temple complex that stood here was famous for its bell mentioned at the beginning of The Tale of Heike

 

Yesterday marked the official end of the month-long Gion Festival, with a purification ritual at Yasaka Jinja involving a chinowa (large ring  of cogon grass), to complete the circle as it were.  Unfortunately I arrived in the cool of the evening, too late to participate (the chinowa was up from 10.00 am to 3.00 pm).  Nonetheless Yasaka Shrine is always worth a visit and there was plenty to catch the eye.  (For a full account of the shrine, see Cali and Dougill’s Shinto Shrines, p.143-7.)

 

One of the guardian archers in the West Gate, known in Japanese as 'zuijin'

 

Inside the shrine we talked to a young priest who was fixing the 'masakaki' decorations which stand on either side of the Worship Hall.

 

The masakaki on the left-hand side bears a sword, one of the sacred regalia. The cloth is in five colours (five elements?), which is similar to Buddhist usage.

 

The masakaki to the right bears the other two sacred regalia, namely a mirror and string of magatama beads

 

I’m indebted to the Rev Barrish for the following information regarding the five colours of the masakaki banner, which has its origins in the decorations of the sakaki tree outside Amaterasu’s Cave: “Black (purple) means North (Ara Mitama), Blue (green) means East (Kushi Mitama), Red means South (Sachi Mitama), White means West (Nigi Mitama), Yellow means the sacred Center (Nao-Hi =sun rays).”

 

The Haiden boast some bright colours and this mythical creature, known as a 'baku' and said to eat bad dreams

 

The shrine is dedicated to the storm god Susanoo no mikoto, and there are panels to explain to visitors his significance in mythology where he throws a fit with Amaterasu and tears up the heavenly fields

 

At the back of the shrine is the Yamahoko Hall, where some of the festival floats are stored. It was built in 1968 to house floats which could no longer be stored by their neighbourhoods.

 

From the south gate of Yasaka Jinja there's a beautiful walk through historic streets, which at sunset are empty of tourists and full of beauty

 

One house we passed had a full collection of Gion Festival amulets and charms

 

A fine evening was rounded off with a special Kyo-tofu meal that was divinely delicious. I have a theory the aesthetics of the food are linked to the aesthetics of shrine architecture, but more of that another time...

 

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